Showing posts with label justice. Show all posts
Showing posts with label justice. Show all posts

2026-08-17

Carney’s moral failure is sacrificing human rights on the altar of trade and finance

Mark Carney sees the world through balance sheets and trade deals not moral obligations, and treats human rights as negotiable, secondary, or inconvenient. 

By Fareed Khan  
A version of this article can be found on Substack.  

Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney has been described by many political observers as a “technocrat.” Canada has had technocratic prime ministers before—leaders who manage rather than inspire, who prefer balance sheets to moral clarity. But in living memory, there has been no PM that has been as weak on human rights as Mark Carney. His tenure has revealed a troubling truth—when confronted with the suffering of persecuted peoples, Carney consistently chooses financial gain over the defence of human dignity.

This is not a partisan critique, it is a moral one. And the pattern has become impossible to ignore.

Carney presents himself as a modern, rational, data‑driven leader. But beneath the polished language of markets and macroeconomics lies an apparent worldview in which human rights are treated as irritants—obstacles to be managed rather than principles to be defended. He speaks fluently about GDP growth, supply chains, and investment flows, yet stumbles when confronted with the basic question of whether human beings deserve protection from mass atrocity.

This moral hollowness is not theoretical. It is visible when he has been asked to respond to every major human‑rights crisis of his premiership.

The Gaza Genocide is Carney’s most damning failure

Carney’s refusal even to utter the word genocide in relation to Israel’s 34‑month genocidal campaign in Gaza is not political caution—it is a moral abdication. The term is not a fringe accusation, nor is it controversial among experts. It has been applied by dozens of respected global human‑rights authorities, including the UN Independent Commission of Inquiry; Amnesty International; Human Rights Watch; Israeli human rights group B’Tselem; Physicians for Human Rights Israel; the International Federation of Human Rights; and the International Association of Genocide Scholars. Leading Israeli Holocaust scholars—Omer Bartov, Amos Goldberg, Daniel Blatman, Raz Segal and Shmuel Lederman—have likewise affirmed that Israel’s actions meet the definition of genocide. When such a broad and authoritative chorus recognizes the reality of genocide, a prime minister’s refusal to acknowledge it is not prudence; it is a profound failure of moral responsibility.

This silence is not neutrality. It is a deliberate political choice to avoid moral responsibility. Carney knows that naming genocide carries obligations—legal, diplomatic, and ethical. He knows that acknowledging genocide would require sanctions, embargoes, and a fundamental shift in Canada’s relationship with Israel. And he knows that such actions would disrupt trade, investment, geopolitical alliances, and domestic political considerations for the Liberal Party he leads.

So rather than doing what is right he chooses silence.

Worse still, he has refused to impose sanctions on Israel—sanctions Canada deployed swiftly and forcefully against Russia when it committed the same crimes in Ukraine. The contrast is glaring. When Russia violated international law, Canada responded with boycotts, sanctions, diplomatic isolation, and moral outrage. When Israel committed the same crimes, the Canadian government offered platitudes, evasions, and the language of “concern.”

This hypocrisy reveals the core of Carney’s worldview, Human rights matter only when they align with economic or geopolitical interests. When they do not, they are quietly set aside.

Carney’s now‑infamous statement condemning Israeli Minister Itamar Ben‑Gvir for the “abominable” treatment of kidnapped Sumud flotilla activists, which was shared on social media, was revealing not for what it said, but for what it ignored. By singling out one extremist minister, Carney sidestepped the far more consequential truth. The atrocities in Gaza are not the work of one man, but of an entire political and military apparatus, led by people who consider Palestinians subhuman, that has inflicted decades of oppression, occupation, brutality and death on the Palestinian people. This infrastructure has inflicted More than 34 months of genocide in Gaza; a 20-year siege on Gaza that has deliberately restricted food, medicine, and humanitarian aid; six decades of a brutal occupation in the West Bank, East Jerusalem, and Gaza; nearly eight decades of ethnic cleansing across the territories controlled by Israel; and a conservatively estimated 80,000—possibly as many as 680,000—Palestinians murdered in Gaza. By condemning only Ben‑Gvir, Carney avoided confronting the full scale of state violence, and in doing so revealed the limits of his moral courage, the character flaws of his leadership, and the extent of his cowardice.

More trade with China—another genocidal state

Carney’s weakness on human rights is not confined to Israel. His pursuit of expanded trade with China—despite Beijing’s ongoing genocide against the Uyghurs—shows the same pattern of moral blindness.

The Chinese government has built a vast network of concentration camps, indoctrination boarding schools that separate Uyghur children from their families, forced-labour factories, and an all‑seeing surveillance state designed to crush an entire people. The United States, the United Kingdom, and several European governments have formally recognized these atrocities as genocide, while Canada has not. And Carney’s response has been one of astonishing moral indifference.

He treats China’s genocide as a regrettable footnote rather than the absolute barrier to trade it should be. He speaks in the antiseptic language of “market access,” “strategic partnerships,” and “economic diversification,” while millions of Uyghurs are subjected to forced labour, mass detention, sterilization campaigns, cultural erasure, and the destruction of their religious identity. There is no moral universe in which a genocide can be bracketed off as an inconvenient detail in a trade negotiation. Yet that is precisely what Carney is doing—reducing one of the gravest crimes known to humanity to a background concern that must not interfere with Canada’s economic ambitions.

Under Carney, Ottawa has sought deeper economic ties with Beijing. Human rights have not been a meaningful point of negotiation. Forced labour has not been a red line. The genocide of Uyghurs has not been a barrier.

The message is unmistakable: profit is more important than people.

Appeasing a Hindu supremacist regime

The Carney government’s efforts to negotiate a comprehensive trade deal with India is another example of his willingness to overlook atrocities for economic gain. Under Prime Minister Narendra Modi, India has embraced a racist, fascist, Hindu supremacist ideology that has made persecution of Muslims, Dalits and other Indian minority communities a matter of state policy. Citizenship laws target Muslims. Lynchings of Muslims by Hindu extremists occur with impunity. Journalists, academics, and activists face arrest for criticizing the government. The Modi regime has dismantled democratic norms and weaponized Hindu fundamentalism and nationalism as a tool of exclusion.

Yet Carney has pursued trade negotiations with India without including human rights a factor in negotiations. There has been no insistence on protections for Indo‑Muslims, Dalits, Christians or other minorities. No pressure on Modi’s government to end discriminatory policies. No moral leadership.

As South Africa’s Anglican Archbishop Desmond Tutu once said, “If you are neutral in situations of injustice, you have chosen the side of the oppressor.” But it seems Carney hasn’t learned this lesson.

More trade with authoritarian states

Carney’s eagerness to forge trade deals with authoritarian regimes in the Persian Gulf and Saudi Arabia further underscores his disregard for human rights. These states—Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates, Oman, Bahrain—are among the least free societies in the world when it comes to civil liberties. Laws ban criticism of the ruling families, state policies, or Islam. Their governments use spyware and monitoring tools to target dissidents and activists. Political parties are illegal, and national legislatures have no real power. Millions of low-income workers face harsh conditions under the kafala sponsorship system. Activists and critics face arbitrary detention, lengthy prison terms, and unfair trials. Women’s rights are suppressed, being LGBTQ2 is criminalized, and independent journalism is silenced.

Yet Carney has treated these governments as normal trading partners, never making human rights a major point of negotiation. He speaks of Gulf autocracies as if they were simply emerging markets rather than repressive states where human rights are an afterthought. Canada, a nation that once prided itself on being a moral voice in global affairs, has now silenced itself under Carney.

Carney fails to defend Canadians’ Charter rights

Carney’s weakness on human rights is not limited to foreign policy. It is visible at home in his refusal to confront provincial governments that abuse the Canadian Constitution’s notwithstanding clause to violate the fundamental rights of Canadians. The clause was never intended as a routine political tool. It was meant to be an extraordinary measure used sparingly. But provinces have increasingly deployed it to override Charter rights for political convenience to: suppress labour rights; restrict freedom of expression; target vulnerable communities (Muslims in Quebec, the LGBTQ2 community in Alberta and Saskatchewan); and to pre‑empt judicial review of legislation.

This trend represents the slow normalization of constitutional vandalism. And Carney has done nothing to stop it (nor did his predecessors).

Refusal to use the power of “Disallowance”

The Constitution gives the federal government a powerful tool: disallowance. Under sections 55–57 of the Constitution Act, 1867, Ottawa can invalidate provincial laws that violate national principles or constitutional norms. This power has fallen into disuse, not because it is unconstitutional, but because federal governments have lacked the political courage to use it when needed.

Carney’s refusal to even consider disallowance to address Quebec’s Bill 21 “secularism” law or Alberta’s violation of LGBTQ2 rights is not restraint it is dereliction. When provinces openly use the notwithstanding clause to strip Canadians of Charter protections, the federal government has both the authority and the responsibility to intervene. But the federal government refuses

Political leaders who will not protect the rights of their own citizens cannot be trusted to defend the rights of persecuted peoples abroad.

Comparing Trudeau and Carney

While this analysis focuses on Carney and his government, similar criticisms can be levelled at his predecessor Justin Trudeau. On Gaza, on Israel’s decades-long occupation, on the misuse of the notwithstanding clause by provinces, Trudeau also failed to show the moral courage required of a national leader. He avoided naming Israeli atrocities for what they were. He refused to impose sanctions. He allowed provinces to weaponize the notwithstanding clause without federal intervention. On China, India, and the Gulf autocracies, Trudeau walked the same path Carney is now sprinting down—prioritizing trade, investment, and geopolitical convenience over human rights.

But there is one crucial difference. One of Trudeau’s first and most admirable decisions as prime minister was accepting thousands of Syrian refugees fleeing war and persecution just after he was elected prime minister. That act did not make Trudeau an angel on the other issues discussed here, but it demonstrated that he possessed at least some moral compass when it came to defending humanity. Carney has shown no such instinct. Where Trudeau jogged slowly down the path of moral compromise, Carney is racing down that road headlong, unencumbered by even the faintest hesitation about concerns for human rights.

Carney’s defenders often point to his credentials: a former governor of the Bank of Canada, former governor of the Bank of England, celebrated economist, respected financial thinker. But these accomplishments reveal the core problem. Carney approaches politics like a banker, not as a political leader representing all Canadians. He sees the world through balance sheets, not moral obligations, and treats human rights as negotiable, secondary, or inconvenient. He is a man who believes the market can solve everything except the things that matter most.

When humanity becomes a variable in an economic equation, it is always the first thing sacrificed.

Canada deserves a prime minister who understands that human rights are not optional. They are not bargaining chips to be traded away in back-room negotiations, nor are they secondary considerations to be weighed against export markets, investment flows, or geopolitical convenience.

Human rights are the moral foundation of any society that claims to value dignity, equality, and justice. In all the cases mentioned in this analysis Carney has responded not with the instinct to protect the vulnerable but with the instinct to protect economic interests

History teaches a simple lesson. A leader who refuses to protect humanity cannot be trusted on anything else. The measure of a prime minister is not the size of the economy he manages, but the size of the moral obligations he is willing to shoulder. By that measure, Carney has failed—and Canada must reckon with the consequences of a leader who has forgotten that the first duty of public office—to defend human life, not the bottom line.

© 2026 The View From Here. © 2026 Fareed Khan. All Rights Reserved.

2024-11-08

OP-ED -- Pierre Poilievre’s claim to understand the struggles of average Canadians is a political ploy rooted in deceit

What does Pierre Poilievre really know about the lives of average Canadians?
 
 
 
Conservative Party leader Pierre Poilievre has recently released a series of political ads in an effort to continue to position himself as the politician who will save Canadians from the Liberals.
 
Since becoming leader he has frequently invoked the struggles of ordinary Canadians in heated speeches and many of his policy proposals, and his new ad campaign reinforces those narratives while he tries to portray himself as an average Canadian sharing their everyday problems.  But Canadian voters need to cautious about buying into his “ordinary Canadian” charade because he is anything but that.
 
Pierre Poilievre at a rally 
 Pierre Poilievre at a rally Credit: Stephan Alberola / Flickr Credit: Stephan Alberola / Flickr
 
The glaring contrast between Poilievre’s lifestyle and that of the average citizen raises significant questions about his understanding of the struggles of the middle or working class.  It has become increasingly evident, since before he became Conservative leader, that he is ensconced within the elite ranks of society, with little appreciation or true understanding of the daily realities faced by the vast majority of Canadians.

To understand Poilievre’s disconnect from average Canadians all we have to do is look at the last 20 years of his life.  His first job out of university was working for Canadian Alliance party leader Stockwell Day until he was elected as a Member of Parliament at the age of 25.  Since his entry into Parliament he has enjoyed a level of financial security that today places him in the top one per cent of income earners in Canada.  His current salary as Opposition Leader is $299,900 per year – a substantial figure that exceeds the average annual income of most Canadians multiple times over.  Additionally, in comparison to Prime Minister Justin Trudeau and NDP leader Jagmeet Singh, who both had careers outside of politics before being elected, Poilievre has never held a job where taxpayers didn’t pay his salary and benefits, thus making him a professional politician.


Moreover, Poilievre’s current living arrangements amplifies the economic disparity between him and the vast majority of Canadians.  Residing in Stornoway, the publicly owned mansion for the leader of the Official Opposition, he enjoys the perks of a lavish lifestyle without having to pay any of the associated household costs – rent, hydro, phone, internet, gas, maintenance, etc.  In addition, he has an annual entertainment and hospitality budget of $166,000, a figure that would raise the eyebrows of many financially challenged voters at whom his political appeals are directed.  This lack of a personal financial burden common to most Canadians, combined with his publicly funded household staff – including a chef, housekeeper, and groundskeeper – places him in a realm of privilege and comfort inaccessible to the vast majority in Canada.

It is not only Poilievre’s financial situation that disqualifies him from truly understanding the struggles of the average Canadian, but also the systemic privilege inherent to his role.  With a government-owned SUV at his beck and call, a chauffeur, and a 24-hour security detail, his life encapsulates an elite lifestyle alien to all but the richest in Canada.  It shows an undeniable disconnect between those struggling under the burden of rising costs in housing, groceries, and other necessities, and a man rooted in a world of extreme privilege and financial security.  

While it’s understandable why such expenditures would be necessary for the prime minister Canadians should ask why such taxpayer funded privileges are provided to the Poilievre when no other parliamentary democracy like Canada’s provides similar benefits and financial support to their Opposition leaders.

Poilievre’s rhetoric also often critiques what he describes as "elites" and "gatekeepers" yet he embodies the characteristics of the very segments of society he condemns.  Historically Conservatives have advocated a handful of policies during election campaigns that would address the concerns of the majority, but once elected to government most of their policy initiatives often promote corporate interests along with fiscal conservatism, as well as undoing progressive policies of the previous government, which are actions traditionally aligned with the interests of wealthy and privileged segments of society.  This proclivity of Conservatives to favour the interests of elites suggests a compulsive inability to understand the challenges faced by average Canadians.

As Canadian voters express their frustration with the leadership of Prime Minister Justin Trudeau and his government, and with polls putting him as much as 20 percentage points behind Poilievre, many may be tempted to look towards the Opposition leader as a viable alternative.  However, doing so would perpetuate a cyclical elitism that fails to significantly improve the lives of the vast majority.  Poilievre’s status as a professional politician, his privileged lifestyle, and his political ideology going back to his time in the Stephen Harper government, reveals an affinity for the concerns of the privileged and powerful rather than a genuine connection to the issues and interests of Canadians far removed from his reality.

Poilievre’s ascent to political elite status and his very privileged lifestyle over the last two decades contrast starkly with the realities faced by most voters.  Since he never accumulated the middle-class experiences that would help him relate to the issues important to the bottom 95 per cent of Canadians one has to wonder how can he relate to that segment of the Canadian electorate?  As voters consider their options in anticipation of an election expected within the coming year it is crucial to recognize that supporting Poilievre could be detrimental to their own interests.  Those seeking to lead Canada should be able to understand the struggles of average Canadians, uplift them and address their pressing needs – qualities not embodied in Poilievre’s political narrative, his policies or the elitist life he has led his entire adult life.


FAREED KHAN
Fareed Khan is the founder of Canadians United Against Hate and has written and commented extensively about issues around racism and human rights. More by Fareed Khan
 
© 2024 Rabble.ca.  This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License.
© 2024 The View From Here.  © 2024 Fareed Khan.  All Rights Reserved.
 
 
 

2014-08-11

Injustice Must Be Opposed

Injustices, whether in words or actions, that go unchallenged are an affront to civil society and are dangerous to the long term health of the social order.

How would things have been different in 1920s and 1930s Germany if people had spoken out against the growing institutional and societal oppression of that country's Jewish population?

What if the world had opposed the Apartheid policies in South Africa from their inception?

How would society have been bettered if gay and lesbian populations in all societies hadn't faced oppression and persecution?

Would there be peace in Israel and Palestine today if the world had opposed Israel's occupation of Palestinian lands and their unjust policies of oppression?

History has shown that to remain silent in the face of injustice is to condemn the population that is being victimized to pain, suffering and death.  It means that those who don't speak out or take action against injustice become accomplices to the injustices being perpetrated.

It is something that is unconscionable, especially in a democratic society where human rights are suppose to be guaranteed.

As members of civil society, as human beings, we should never allow words or acts of injustice to go unchallenged.  To do so is to take a step on the path to the breakdown of civil society and the social order, and towards the darkness of barbarism.

© F. Khan.  All Rights Reserved.