By Fareed Khan
A version of this can be found on Substack.
The parallels between Russia’s war in Ukraine and the US-Israeli assault on Iran are striking and undeniable. Both involve unprovoked aggression against sovereign nations, Orwellian rhetoric to deny the reality of war, fabricated claims of imminent threats from the nation being attacked, and the commission of war crimes and crimes against humanity through the targeting of civilian infrastructure. Furthermore, the attack on Iran echoes the illegal 2003 invasion of Iraq, which unleashed decades of regional instability, resulted in the death of millions of innocents, and risks the same catastrophic outcomes today.
It’s notable that both aggressors refuse to call their actions a “war.” When Russia invaded Ukraine in February 2022, it labelled its assault a “special military operation,” banning Russian officials and media from using terms like “war,” “invasion,” or “attack.” This linguistic evasion allowed Moscow to maintain the fiction of a limited, defensive action while prosecuting full-scale aggression against its neighbour.
This approach echoes the themes of George Orwell’s novel “1984”, where aggressive bombing becomes mere “operations,” war becomes “peace”, and denial becomes government policy. The hypocrisy is clear when one compares the current situation to the speech that President Franklin D. Roosevelt gave the day following the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor—an attack that occurred during ongoing peace negotiations—which the US immediately deemed an act of war. By comparison, Oman-mediated US-Iran nuclear talks were reportedly making “significant progress” and were “within reach” just hours before the February 28 strikes began. Yet the Trump administration denies that any state of war exists.
Let’s examine the justifications for the attacks given by both Russia and the US. In both instances the leaders of each nation rely on baseless claims of “pre-emptive” strikes against an “imminent threat.” In 2022, Putin asserted that Ukraine and NATO posed an immediate danger to Russia—a claim unsupported by credible evidence. Similarly, Trump and his officials have justified the US attack on Iran by insisting the country posed an imminent threat, pointing to its arsenal of ballistic missiles, the alleged impending assembly of nuclear warheads, and potential retaliation against Israeli actions, which would endanger American troops in the region. Yet Pentagon briefings to Congress revealed no intelligence indicating Iran planned a first strike on the United States or that it posed an imminent threat to US military bases on its borders.
Adding to the confusion is the uncoordinated messaging from trump and Secretary of State Marco Rubio, who suggested the US struck pre-emptively because Israel was planning its own attack on Iran, which would have prompted Tehran to retaliate against American forces in the region. This convoluted logic—attacking first to avert a hypothetical response to Israel’s planned aggression—only escalates an already unstable situation rather than pursuing de-escalation by restraining America’s primary Middle East ally.
The inconsistent and illogical American reasoning mirrors Putin’s pretexts for the invasion of Ukraine and quickly collapses under scrutiny. There is no credible evidence supporting the notion of an imminent Iranian attack or any direct threat to US military assets in the Persian Gulf region or on the US homeland. Moreover, assertions that Iran was on the verge of assembling a nuclear warhead are refuted by US and NATO intelligence experts, who confirm that Iran lacks the near-term capacity to produce a functional nuclear weapon.
Third, and most gravely, both the Russian and American attacks involve war crimes through the deliberate or reckless targeting of civilians. Russia faced global condemnation for bombing a school in Bilohorivka, Ukraine, on May 7, 2022, where around 90 civilians were sheltering, with approximately 60 killed or feared dead after an airstrike set the building ablaze. Russian attacks on hospitals drew similar condemnations from the US and its allies. In March 2022, Hillary Clinton tweeted that Russian leaders should stop bombing hospitals if they wished to avoid war-crimes accusations.
The US-Israeli campaign against Iran replicates Russia’s pattern. The day of the first strikes a missile hit a girls’ elementary school in Minab, southern Iran, killing at least 165 schoolgirls (with some reports citing up to 175 deaths). Satellite imagery and analyses attribute the strike to US forces amid operations targeting a nearby naval base. Had Iran perpetrated such an attack on American soil it would have been front page news for days amid international outrage. But because the children weren’t white or Christian the response by Western governments, including Canada’s, has been muted.
Attacks in the following days saw bomb and missile damage to hospitals, including Gandhi Hospital in Tehran, forcing evacuations amid broader strikes on civilian sites. Iranian authorities reported that multiple medical facilities had been hit, alongside more schools and strikes in residential areas. United Nations experts condemned the school bombing as a “grave violation of humanitarian law” and called for investigation. If Russian attacks on schools and hospitals om Ukraine constituted war crimes—and international consensus holds they did—then US and Israeli actions demand the same judgment under the Geneva Conventions.
The rhetorical justifications by both Russia and the US are merely interchangeable propaganda. Putin claimed his actions in Ukraine were intended to fight “Nazis” and terrorists while “liberating” Ukrainians. Trump asserts that American actions combats Iranian “terrorists” and brings “freedom” to Iranians oppressed by the regime. Both promise that regime change will usher in freedom and democracy, while denying their on self-serving imperialistic geopolitical motives.
The true driver behind the US-Israeli assault on Iran is a long-standing Israeli strategic objective—spanning nearly four decades—to neutralize Iran, the last major Muslim power in the Middle East capable of resisting Israeli dominance and the last Muslim nation in the region steadfastly supporting the Palestinian struggle for freedom. For years, Israeli governments, particularly under Benjamin Netanyahu, have pressed successive US presidents—both Republican and Democratic—to join or lead military action against Iran. Previous administrations resisted Israel’s agenda of military aggression, recognizing the likely havoc that would ensue—widespread instability, massive civilian casualties, and prolonged regional turmoil.
This pattern echoes the 2003 US invasion of Iraq—a war also strongly advocated by Netanyahu—launched without UN Security Council authorization, predicated on fabricated claims of weapons of mass destruction and nonexistent ties to al-Qaeda. Then UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan explicitly declared the invasion illegal under the UN Charter, stating that it was not in conformity with the UN’s foundational document and was illegal. The consequences of that war (and the “war on terror”) have been devastating and enduring—more than four million dead, millions more displaced, the rise of ISIS from the resulting power vacuum, sectarian violence and instability, and the loss of an entire generation of human potential. The impact of that illegal war will continue to afflict the region for generations.
Today’s campaign against Iran follows the identical playbook—no congressional declaration of war, no UN mandate, and a constantly shifting set of rationales—regime change one moment, missile disarmament the next, nuclear prevention another. The inevitable outcome will mirror Iraq’s aftermath and result in widespread civilian devastation, power vacuums that breed extremism and new terrorist groups, and decades of chaos exported across the Middle East and beyond. History has already shown that such unprovoked interventions do not enhance security; they undermine it, creating the very threats they purport to eliminate.
International law offers no exceptions to nations, even those that are superpowers. The UN Charter prohibits unprovoked force except in self-defence against armed attack or with Security Council approval—neither applies here. Bombing schools and hospitals, assassinating leaders during diplomacy, and launching pre-emptive wars violate core humanitarian norms. The US cannot condemn Russian aggression while committing criminal acts that are similar. If outrage over Ukraine was principled, the same standards must apply to the US-Israeli attack on Iran. Accountability—via international courts if necessary—must follow.
The Iranian people, like the Ukrainians before them, deserve peace, not to serve as pawns in yet another superpower’s regime-change experiment. Regional stability will never emerge from more bombs. History, from the catastrophic aftermath of Iraq onward, proves the opposite with grim consistency.
As the International Military Tribunal at Nuremberg
declared in its final judgment: “War is essentially an evil thing. Its
consequences are not confined to the belligerent States alone, but
affect the whole world. To initiate a war of aggression, therefore, is
not only an international crime; it is the supreme international crime
differing only from other war crimes in that it contains within itself
the accumulated evil of the whole.”
Until the US confronts
its own reflection in Putin’s actions—that launching an unprovoked war
of aggression carries the same moral and legal weight regardless of who
wields the power—the cycle of hypocrisy, war crimes, and spreading
instability will persist unbroken. The only real distinction between
Russia’s war on Ukraine and the US war against Iran is the language
spoken by the aggressor nation. The fabrications that justify invasion,
the suffering inflicted on civilians, and the long-term ruin sown across
entire regions remain tragically, inexcusably identical.





