Showing posts with label Free Trade Agreement. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Free Trade Agreement. Show all posts

Saturday, August 23, 2025

Carney should know that appeasement never works when dealing with a bully like Trump

Bullies like Trump exploit perceived weakness because their goal is not mutual benefit but dominance . . . History offers stark warnings about the dangers of appeasing coercive actors. 
 
Yesterday the Canadian government announced it would remove retaliatory tariffs on US goods compliant with the Canada-United States-Mexico Agreement (CUSMA), a move framed as an effort to reset stalled trade negotiations with the United States. Prime Minister Mark Carney described this as a strategic shift, likening it to a hockey game where Canada moves from “elbows up” to deft stick handling. Yet, this decision reeks of appeasement—a concession to Donald Trump, a president who has relentlessly bullied Canada with escalating tariffs and provocative rhetoric about annexing it as the 51st state. 


History and psychological studies warn us that appeasing bullies rarely ends well, and Canada’s current path risks repeating the mistakes of those who have caved to coercion before. By softening its stance, Canada is not outmanoeuvring a bully, it is inviting further aggression from a leader with a well-documented history of breaking promises and exploiting perceived weakness.

The psychology of bullies: Why appeasement fails

Psychological studies on bullying provide a clear framework for understanding Trump’s tactics and why appeasement is doomed to fail. Bullies thrive on power imbalances, using intimidation to assert dominance and extract concessions. According to the American Psychological Association bullies target those who display submissive behaviours, interpreting acquiescence as an invitation for further aggression. Appeasement, far from de-escalating conflict, signals to the bully that their tactics are effective, encouraging escalation.

This dynamic is evident in Trump’s trade war. After Canada imposed retaliatory tariffs on US goods in response to Trump’s 25% tariffs on Canadian exports (and 10% on energy), Trump raised the stakes, increasing tariffs to 35% on non-CUSMA-compliant goods and 50% on steel, aluminum, and copper. Canada’s decision to lift tariffs on CUSMA-compliant goods, while maintaining levies on key sectors like steel and autos, appears conciliatory—a move that risks emboldening Trump to push for more concessions.

Bullies like Trump exploit perceived weakness because their goal is not mutual benefit but dominance. A 2020 study in Personality and Individual Differences noted that individuals with narcissistic traits—such as grandiosity and a need for admiration—often engage in bullying to maintain control and suppress challenges to their authority. Trump’s public persona, marked by boastful rhetoric and personal attacks, aligns with this profile. His repeated references to Canada as a potential 51st state and his dismissal of former Prime Minister Justin Trudeau as a mere “governor” reflect a desire to humiliate and subordinate, not negotiate as equals. Canada’s tariff rollback, intended to foster dialogue, may instead signal to Trump that Canada is willing to bend under pressure, inviting further demands.

Historical lessons: The perils of appeasement

History offers stark warnings about the dangers of appeasing coercive actors. The most infamous example is the 1938 Munich Agreement, where Britain and France allowed Nazi Germany to annex the Sudetenland in Czechoslovakia in hopes of securing “peace in our time.” This concession, driven by the desire to avoid conflict, emboldened Adolf Hitler, who interpreted it as a sign of weakness. Within a year, Germany occupied the rest of Czechoslovakia and invaded Poland, triggering World War II. The lesson is clear: appeasing a bully who seeks dominance does not lead to peace but to escalation.

Saturday, March 15, 2025

OP-ED -- Canadians are mad as hell and ready for a battle over Trump tariffs

 
From the frozen and sparsely populated northern territories to Toronto’s crowded streets, and from Newfoundland to Vancouver, a storm of fury is building in Canada. It’s not aimed at Americans — our friends and neighbors — but at President Trump and the enablers who are helping facilitate an economic disaster of his making. 


His policy of 25 percent tariffs on Canadian exports to the U.S. has sparked a needless trade war with America’s closest friend and ally. Canadians are not going to sip maple syrup and just take it. This is a betrayal, plain and simple. We are done being polite and pretending otherwise.
 
Let us start with Trump’s absurd claims about the U.S. getting a raw deal from Canada. He negotiated the U.S., Mexico, Canada Trade Agreement, crowed that it was the best trade deal ever, and signed it in 2020. Now, he is torching it with tariffs built on lies and bluster. He gripes about dairy, claiming Canada slaps 390 percent tariffs on U.S. imports. The reality? It’s only 250 percent, and that’s only above a quota negotiated by Trump that the American dairy industry hasn’t even hit since the deal began. So there have been no tariffs triggered yet — none.
 
Then there is the laughable claim that the U.S. subsidizes Canada. Subsidizes us? American firms own chunks of our economy — our own fault, sure, but it’s the truth. Meanwhile, we have sold you cheap electricity for decades, propping up your electrical grids and your economy. So, who is subsidizing whom? It’s maddening to hear Trump administration officials whine when the U.S. is getting a deal that many Canadian hydro consumers would relish. This is another Trump lie for which Americans and Canadians will pay the price.
 
The rage of Canadians isn’t targeted at the American people but at your leader, whose irrationality seems to have no limits, and toward the sycophants propping him up. Those who voted for him also own this. You elected him again, and now he’s smashing a bond that’s benefitted both countries for generations. Canada is not mere collateral damage. We’re the target, and we’re not going to take it sitting down.
 
Canadian steel and aluminum is also a target where tariffs could severely damage the U.S. economy by disrupting integrated North American supply chains that support millions of jobs. Canada is the largest supplier of these materials with exports valued at over $35 billion annually, feeding the automotive, construction and aerospace sectors which rely on these exports for production. Imposing tariffs would feed inflation and trigger retaliatory measures from Canada.
 
Canada’s retaliation to this trade war has become personal for millions of Canadians. Consumer boycotts of U.S. goods are reshaping store shelves in Canada — not out of spite, but because no one is buying. Canadian retailers are dropping American produce, wines and spirits, and other products and finding alternatives. Lower prices once drove us to your fruits and vegetables, but sourcing elsewhere at a slightly higher price isn’t the hit we feared. Your farmers though, they are going to watch crops rot as markets vanish — just ask Jack Daniel’s what’s happening with their whiskey, which sits on pallets unsold.
 
Energy is a bigger issue. We supply 60 percent of your crude oil, for which your refineries are specifically built. Swapping out Canadian crude for Saudi or Venezuelan won’t help if we cut off oil exports. And then there are autos. Parts can cross the Detroit-Windsor border as many as eight times before a car is completed. That is a business decision made by Ford, GM, and Stellantis, not Canada. Trump’s tariffs are clogging a system that has powered both our economies for decades to the benefit of both nations. But now his tariffs will kill jobs not save them.
 
Canadian travel to the U.S. is also plummeting. Canadians are the No. 1 visitors to the U.S. spending over $20 billion annually but Canadians don’t want to spend their dollars in a nation led by a man that is threatening our country with annexation. Canada will never be the 51st state, and Americans need to accept this.
 
A trillion-dollar trade relationship is coming apart. Although it will sting us, it will cost the U.S. far more. Factories don’t appear overnight, and Trump’s “reciprocal tariff” fallacy won’t balance anything. This slow-motion train wreck is Trump’s doing and Americans will pay a steep price for his economic vandalism.
 
But the real pain comes from the betrayal. Canada has stood with you through wars and other crises. We’re not just neighbours, we’re family. Yet Trump and his cheerleaders treat us like a punching bag, egged on by MAGA cultists who swallowed his nonsense whole. His enablers in Congress and the media parrot every lie, while his base cheers a policy as stupid as it is mean spirited. This isn’t leadership — it’s sowing pandemonium.
 
We don’t want this fight. Stop this insanity and our counter-tariffs vanish fast. We’ll apologize for the corner you boxed us into — not from weakness, but because we cherish what we had. We’ll stay your friends if you want but until then our anger will burn bright — not at Americans, but at the madness you’ve unleashed and the system sustaining him. Trump isn’t just bullying Canada, he is attacking sanity, and we’re not backing down as long as he continues.
 
Fareed Khan is a government relations and public policy professional with over three decades of experience addressing a broad spectrum of domestic and international public policy issues. His op-eds and analyses of public policy have been published in newspapers across Canada.
 
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© 2025 The View From Here.  © 2025 Fareed Khan.  All Rights Reserved.

Thursday, March 13, 2025

OP-ED -- Trump’s tariff policies could lead to world-wide recession and political instability

History has shown us that trade wars escalate global instability and can often be a prelude to open conflict.
 
 
 
Since Donald Trump’s re-election as president of the United States a storm of economic and political turmoil has loomed over Canada and the world, driven by Trump’s determination to impose aggressive tariff policies on America’s friends and allies. The 25 per cent tariffs that went into effect on March 4 on imports from Canada, Mexico, and China — America’s largest trading partners — alongside threats of tariffs against the European Union and other nations, risks plunging the global economy into a deep recession, if not an outright economic depression. 

  
If we take lessons from history such economic upheaval could ignite political instability and possible military conflict, but with the US positioned as the antagonist this time against its long-standing friends and allies.

The historical parallels between Trump’s trade policies and the economic protectionism of the early 20th century are alarming and unmistakable. In the aftermath of World War I, the US enacted a series of tariffs aimed at protecting its economy. The Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act of 1930 raised duties on hundreds of imports, prompting retaliatory tariffs from other nations and severely constricted global trade. These measures contributed significantly to the onset of the Great Depression, which ultimately became a catalyst for protectionism, resulting in the rise of nationalism and fascism, which led to World War II.

The interconnectedness of national economies around the world demonstrated that the economic volatility generated by those tariffs had far-reaching and lethal consequences.

Economists and historians alike agree that historically there has been a clear connection between trade wars and military conflicts. French economist Frédéric Bastiat is often quoted for his insight that “when goods do not cross frontiers, armies will.” 

His words resonate today when we consider the possible repercussions of the trade war initiated by the Trump administration. When economic ties fray and nations retreat into isolationism, a vacuum is created, one that can be easily filled by inflamed nationalist sentiments. If we look at the reaction of many Americans on social media to Trump’s denigrating remarks about Canada and his repeated comments about annexing the country as the 51st state, we will find many instances of chauvinistic nationalism with militaristic narratives targeting Canada by Trump’s MAGA loyalists.

Economists have consistently warned that the consequences of Trump’s tariffs will not be confined to the countries directly affected. Increased costs on imports will destabilize local economies, raise consumer prices, and ultimately diminish the purchasing power of consumers both in the US, Canada and any other nations targeted by tariffs. Key industries will find demand for their products from export markets reduced significantly as countries which are their primary foreign markets retaliate with tariffs of their own.

The potential for an inflationary spiral also looms large as tariffs will increase the costs of goods in all sectors of the economy, which will be felt by consumers. Coupled with reduced spending power, this could easily push the American and Canadian economy into recession, and the downturn would ripple through global markets given that the US accounts for 26.1 per cent of the world’s GDP. American families, far from reaping the promised benefits of Trump’s tariff policy, will likely face higher unemployment and suffer a decline in living standards instead.

In addition, one cannot overlook the broader geopolitical implications of Trump upending decades of American foreign policy. While casting traditional friends and allies like Canada in an adversarial role, the Trump administration has extended an olive branch to Russia — a nation that historically embodies potential threats to US and European security and to democracy. This inversion of relationships has created a precarious diplomatic landscape, wherein mutual trust and cooperation have been eroded, and the alliance that preserved peace in Europe since World War II has been shaken to core.

With Trump appearing more inclined to treat Russia as a partner while labeling Canada and its European allies as economic adversaries, the global political order has reached an unsettling and critical inflection point with broad implications for the global political order. Just as tariffs have the potential to economically destabilize countries, the geopolitical tensions resulting from this seismic shift in US foreign policy could eventually ignite conflicts that run far deeper and wider than trade concerns.

This begs the question whether there is a path forward to restore economic stability and the international order that has maintained economic stability and an uneasy global peace since World War II. The answer is that there is and it is the US Congress, which would need to take decisive action to reign in a president who is shredding relationships that have been built over eight decades. Because while Trump may wield power through executive orders to impose tariffs, Congress possesses the authority to repeal the laws enabling such actions. But it will take a united stand by courageous members of Congress and Senators against a president pursuing policies that are contrary to the interests of the US and its allies.

History serves as a stern reminder of the devastation wrought by trade wars. If Trump’s “America first” approach to international trade compels other nations to adopt more protectionist stances, economic systems around the world will destabilize, while political extremism rises, and the spectre of military aggression looms ever larger. The connection between trade and peace has been articulated by thinkers like Immanuel Kant, whose assertion still holds water today, that the spirit of trade is synonymous with prosperity, while the absence of commerce could facilitate war.

If Canada wishes to avert the potential catastrophic outcomes associated with trade wars — outcomes that our history has painfully illustrated — it is imperative for our leaders to recognize the urgency of the moment. As the world stands at an inflection point in history, Canada and its allies need to push back hard against American tariffs, and recommit to diplomacy and trade while opposing division and hostility. Just as the present is informed by the lessons of the past, it is up to our leaders to remember that history and ensure that we chart a course that will avoid a potential conflict which would have global ramifications.
 
Fareed Khan is a government relations and strategic communications professional with more than 30 years of experience addressing public policy issues across a broad spectrum of porttfolios.  He has written and commented extensively about public policy issues in Canada and internationally.
 
© 2025 Rabble.ca.  This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License.
© 2025 The View From Here.  © 2025 Fareed Khan.  All Rights Reserved.


Sunday, January 19, 2025

There was once a proposal to merge Canada and the US. It was a horrible idea then and it's a worse idea now.

An Angus Reid Poll released on January 14th showed that 90% of Canadians are opposed to Canada becoming part of the US.
 
 
It's time for Canada to merge with the United States and create one giant capitalist economy on the top half of North America in order to be competitive globally in a 21st Century that will likely to be dominated by China.

That was the argument put forth by National Post columnist Diane Francis in her 2013 book Merger of the Century: Why Canada and America Should Become One Country.


But there were many problems with the idea of a Canada-US merger more than a decade ago, and there are even more problems today with the US about to be led by a violent sociopath like Donald Trump who has threatened to annex Canada by imposing tariffs on Canadian exports to the US.

As the editor for the Financial Post and then columnist for the National Post newspapers over the years Francis never made any secret of her desire for a less regulated Canadian economy that more closely matched what exists in the United States.  Having more freedom to conduct business would be better for the bottom line and better for Canada according to Francis, even if it would be worse for workers and the bottom 90% of Canadians who would ultimately pay the price for the so-called economic freedom that corporate CEOs and billionaire oligarchs would be given.

As an American-Canadian Francis wrote passionately at the time about the many historical and cultural ties that bind her country of birth and her adopted country. Merger of the Century tried to make the case for erasing the formal distinction between the two entirely.  The key justification she put forth for the merger was that this would be the best way for Canada to counter the economic threat of countries like China and Russia which use state-controlled sovereign wealth funds to buy control of resources and key industries of other nations.  "The best option for the US and Canada to survive the new economic reality would be to devise protective policies and to merge into one gigantic nation," Francis argued at the time.
 
A similar argument is being made by Canadian businessman and media personality Kevin O'Leary, who said he likes the idea of a Canada-US union.
 
However, the situation is different today.  Rather than a merger as Francis proposed Trump's idea is for a hostile takeover of Canada via economic warfare, which is what the proposed 25% tariff on Canadian exports would be.  In Ontario alone the tariffs could result in the loss of up to 500,000 jobs and a decline in Canada's GDP of up to 2.5% ($77.46 billion).

However, if you examine the online responses to the suggestion that Canada becoming part of the US they have been overwhelmingly negative.  An Angus Reid poll released on January 14th showed that 90% of Canadians are opposed to Canada becoming America's "51st state".  In addition, American's oppose Canada joining the US by a margin of two to one.
 
To get a better understanding of being next door to the US and how it defines Canada, people should read the 2003 book written by Canadian political economist, professor and author James Laxer.  The book was titled The Border: Canada, the U.S. and Dispatches from the 49th Parallel and examined the Canada-US relationship in the context of the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001.  During that politically volatile period there were voices (mostly from business and right wing politicians) calling for greater integration and lowering of security barriers between Canada and the US for the sake of economic security.  But the arguments put forth by Laxer made a very compelling case for why Canada and the US should never consider giving up its independence, and remain separate nations.

He contended that borders act as brake points which limit the power of the state and allow divergent ideas to find a larger field in which to germinate and grow.  In the post-September 11th world, it asked pointed questions.  Will Canadians acquiesce to US pressure and allow policies to be implemented that violate Canada’s liberal values?  Are Canadians willing to allow our priorities, our values, and our society to be subservient to the political priorities of the US?  Do we continue into the 21st century as a sovereign, independent nation?

All these questions are more relevant now in the context of Trump's economic threats than they were in 2003 or any other time during the intervening years.

Of course in the years since Laxer wrote his book some of those questions have been answered.  Under both Liberal and Conservative governments the answers to those questions have respectively been “no", “no" and “yes”.

Given the questions and discussions that have been raised by the current debate about defending Canadian sovereignty against an imperialist American president, it is only appropriate that James Laxer's views on the importance of maintaining a division between Canada and the United States be given a second look, so that Canadians can see the counter arguments to the idea of a Canada-US merger, and especially so in light of threats by the incoming US president who believes that all nations should be subservient to American interests.
 
© 2025 The View From Here.  © 2025 Fareed Khan.  All Rights Reserved.

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SOURCE: http://media.cagle.com/9/2006/09/22/30613_600.jpg

T  H  E      B  O  R  D  E  R  :  

Canada, the U.S. and Dispatches 
from the 49th Parallel

 
A Critical Analysis
 By Fareed Khan
March 2005

______________________________________________________________


“If good fences make good neighbours, do we have the sort of fence that will allow us to maintain neighbourly relations with the world’s only superpower?”


With this question highlighted on the inside cover of his new book The Border, noted Canadian political scientist James Laxer sets out on a journey to discover what it means to be Canadian when you share a frontier with the political, economic, military and cultural behemoth that is the United States.

In The Border, Laxer paints a complex picture about the boundary separating Canada from the United States. Using personal experiences and observations from travelling back and forth across various border points over an eighteen month period, Laxer raises important questions about Canada’s historic relationship with our continental neighbour, as well as how that relationship will evolve in the 21st century.  In a journey that takes him from Campobello Island on the east coast to Point Roberts on the west coast and up to the Yukon-Alaska boundary, Laxer illustrates that sharing a border with the U.S. has been an exercise in fear, frustration, tolerance and patience whether you are talking about the decades following the American Revolution or the months following the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001.  In addition, by recounting the historic and contemporary political, economic, social and cultural factors that led to the defining of the Canada-U.S. border he further illustrates how an invisible line can define the past, present and future of the northern half of this continent.

The Border can be divided into two sections.  The first section mostly deals with the Canada-U.S. relationship before the September 11, 2001, while the second section deals with the period after that date.

Laxer provides this frame of reference by explaining in the preface his intentions when he set out to write this book.  He states that it was, “. . . in an age that has now passed – the less fearful time prior to the terrorist attacks on New York and Washington D.C.” (p. 1)

However, he ends the preface by noting that, “My approach to the book changed after September 11.  In the end I was afforded a unique perspective on the border before and after a date when the world changed.  For North America, September 11 brought on a twin crisis, that of the role of the Unites States in the world, and that of Canada’s relationship with the Unites States. The Border addresses that twin crisis.” (p. 3)
 
By declaring this at the outset Laxer establishes a moment in time which he uses to focus the analysis of the relationship that has existed between Canada and the U.S. over the past two centuries.  This reference point itself acts like the border between Canada and the U.S., becoming the doorway between a “simpler” more “innocent” period of the cross-border relationship and a new period of the relationship  after “the world changed”.

However, this perception must be viewed as a paradox.  By relating various historical and contemporary events, interspersed with personal border anecdotes of his journey, Laxer reveals that simplicity and innocence can hardly be the terms used to describe the history of the Canada-U.S. relationship whether before or after September 11, 2001.

Although the terrorist attacks are a defining event in the history of the U.S. and how it has affected its relationship with Canada, I believe that Laxer demonstrates there have been many more important defining moments in Canadian and American history that have had a greater impact on the relationship between the two countries.  Throughout the book he relates some of these major events including: the Loyalist experience after the American Revolution, the outcome of the War of 1812, the Canadian view of the U.S. Civil War, Confederation, Prohibition, the Cold War, Quebec separatism, and more recently the Canada-U.S. Free Trade Agreement.

 
All of these are seminal events that have defined the Canada-U.S. relationship and they are all events that begs the question, what does the border mean and what does it mean for Canadians?  In a strictly technical sense the Canada-U.S. border is a mutually agreed upon arrangement between two parties that define the limits within the geographic mass of North America based on a set of historic, political, social, cultural, economic and physical circumstances.  This arrangement exists only as long as each party remains committed to it.  In a broader sense, however, Laxer demonstrates that the border means a lot of different things to a lot of different people.

For many Canadians the border is an abstract political concept that guarantees the sovereignty and independence of the political entity that is Canada.  It has allowed this country the freedom to become a society that, despite assertions (legitimate and otherwise) about the dominating nature of our southern neighbour, is separate from the U.S., and definitely different.  As Laxer states, because of the border Canadians can control their own political, economic and cultural destiny.  It is essential to who we are as a people and because of it the quality of life of the average Canadian is superior to that enjoyed south of the border.

For others, however, the border has a totally different meaning.  For these people (primarily Canada’s business and economic elites and the political right) the border is seen as a barrier to Canada’s economic growth and prosperity.  Laxer refers to these as the “deep integrationists” – those interested in the integration of Canadian policies with those of the U.S.   Although not a new idea, this idea seems to have more advocates today than in past decades.

These Canadians call for the elimination of Canadian customs and immigration controls, harmonized visa, refugee and security policies, taxes lowered to the same levels as those in the U.S., and less government restrictions on the way businesses can operate.  In effect these Canadians call for policies that would result in the loss of Canadian nationhood, and would lead to an effective loss of Canada’s independence resulting in the Canadian Parliament merely being a rubber stamp for policies made in Washington D.C.  According to Laxer, these are the same elites that supported the Canada-U.S. Free Trade Agreement and the North American Free Trade Agreement – two policies that have led to a diminishing of Canadian sovereignty.  He also refers to these Canadians as a potential “fifth column” – Canadians who are active in promoting the merging of Canada with the United States.

As an example of the lack of commitment these Canadians have to their country, Laxer cites the fact that the smoke had barely cleared after the September 11th terrorist attacks when Canada’s political right and corporate interests were, “. . . quick off the mark making the argument that the world had changed and that Canada needed to press for a wide-ranging deal with the United States to promote much closer North American integration.” (p. 259)

These arguments are based mainly on economic factors and do not appear to take into consideration that nationhood is about more than just the bottom line, and that the border is not there as a mere inconvenience for Canadian business elites.

Laxer counters the integrationist argument by stating that in light of U.S. government actions after September 11th that have curtailed American civil liberties and violated the U.S. Constitution, Canada needs the protection of our border with the U.S. now more than ever.  By describing the damage that has occurred to some of the key pillars of America’s liberal-democratic traditions, he makes us witnesses to what could be the nascent footsteps of  neo-fascism in the U.S. that  can only be kept out of Canada by ensuring that our southern border remains intact and our sovereignty protected.

Since that fateful September morning, as issues related to “homeland” and border security have dominated discussions between the two nations, Laxer also notes that there are voices that have been and still are opposed to greater Canada-U.S. integration.  These voices see Canada heading down the road of “Finlandization” – where Canada would need U.S. agreement to implement policies that impact on American interests – a situation similar to the relationship between Finland and the Soviet Union during the Cold War.

The Border cuts across a wide field of history and politics, and it illustrates the left-wing bent of its author on political, economic, social and cultural issues.  It is a book authored by an academic that is not an academic book.  This is clearly evident by the dearth of references and footnotes, and by the unwillingness to offer a fair criticism of Canada on matters where there is heavy criticism of the United States (e.g. slavery, civil rights violations).  It is also illustrated by the ample of use of personal anecdotes and experiences – writing styles that are not necessarily compatible with a written work that is intended for academic reference.

This aspect of the writing jumps out at the reader in the introduction when Laxer begins by describing the view outside a railway car as he travels across the Prairies by train en route to Toronto.  He uses the same style in several later chapters.  This use of a travelogue style of writing is more indicative of someone writing for a travel publication, and although it might be disconcerting to some, I believe that this non-academic and unpretentious style makes the book accessible to a wider audience.

Laxer contends that borders act as brake points which limit the power of the state.  By being written in a style that is more accessible to the general public, The Border also acts as a brake on those who argue for fewer border limits between Canada and the United States.  It allows these ideas to find a larger field in which to germinate and grow.  In the post-September 11th world, it asks pointed questions.  Will Canadians acquiesce to U.S. pressure and allow policies to be implemented that violate Canada’s liberal-democratic traditions?  Are Canadians willing to reassert our nationhood and defend our borders, or do we allow our priorities, our values, and our society to be subservient to the political priorities of the U.S.?  Do we continue into the 21st century as a sovereign, independent nation?

In a steel plant the workers who work closest to the blast furnaces require extra protection to protect them from the intense heat of the steel-making process.  The Border illustrates that similar to the steelworker, Canada’s physical closeness to the political heat of the U.S. requires that we maintain the protection of the border in order to protect this country’s sovereignty, society, economy, and culture.

The Border is an enjoyable if controversial read, and it should be on the bookshelves of anyone who feels that Canada needs to be protected from the overwhelming presence of the our neighbour to the south.

© Fareed W. Khan.  All Rights Reserved.
______________________________________________________________
 
It should be noted that since the publication of Laxer's book in 2003 a number of events have taken place that raise the question of whether in a globalized and technologically integrated world where trade is the lifeblood of the Canadian economy, can a nation as small as Canada ever be truly protected within its borders and pursue policies independent of the interests and pressures of its largest trading partners and international corporations.  Some of those events in addition to Donald Trump being re-elected to a second term as president include the following:
This begs the question, what do Canadians need to do to ensure that what is done in the name of Canada to protect its borders is done in such a way that those who benefit are not just the rich, the connected and the powerful, but also the more than 95% of Canadians who fall into the category of middle and lower income earners -- people who have seen their incomes essentially stagnate since the 1990s as the rich have gotten richer and the gaps in wealth and income have reached historic levels.

© 2025 The View From Here.  © 2025 Fareed Khan.  All Rights Reserved.

Tuesday, December 24, 2024

Trump's hostility towards Canada telegraphs possibility of future aggression and attacks on Canadian sovereignty

The dismissiveness with which Trump treats relations with nations that are friends and allies, glossing over tactless comments as jokes or misunderstandings, is reminiscent of other world leaders who have used bullying, threats and aggression to assert dominance and control.
 
 
In the realm of international relations, political rhetoric matters.  Words, especially those coming from the leaders of nations, carry weight and can serve as precursors to actions.  Donald Trump's return to the American presidency four years after a tumultuous first term, characterized by divisive comments about allies and threats against those who wronged him, raises alarming questions about the future of US-Canada relations. 
 

In light of his recent belittling remarks regarding Canada's sovereignty, and the potential for aggressive action against Canada — a neighbour, long time ally, and largest trading partner — should be taken seriously. American aggression against Canada is not merely a hypothetical scenario but a plausible outcome given Trump's erratic behavior, his lack of respect for political and diplomatic conventions, and his history of treating international relations as transactions rather than friendships.

A hostile comment passed off as a joke

At a recent event to honour Trump's political triumphs, he doubled down on comments that can only be interpreted as mockery towards Canada and Prime Minister, Justin Trudeau.  During the Fox Nation's "Patriot of the Year" ceremony, Trump repeated a remark that Canada should consider becoming the "51st state" and encouraged a chant from the audience that derided Canada's status as an independent nation.  While this comment has been framed as a joke by Trump insiders, they reflect a dismissive attitude towards one of America's closest allies and sends a troubling message that undermines Canadian sovereignty.

These comments followed his threats to impose a staggering 25% tariff on Canadian imports to the US in response to an unfounded claim that Canada was failing to stem the flow of drugs and illegal immigrants into the US.  This rhetoric echoes Trump's longstanding pattern of using fear and hostility to control narratives and assert dominance, not just over individuals but entire nations.  He appears to perceive Canada not as a partner, but as an entity that must bend to American whims, a notion that is fundamentally colonial and imperialist in its orientation.

The realities of tariffs and economic consequences

Should Trump follow through with his tariff threat, the repercussions for the Canadian economy would be dire given Canada’s dependence on the US as it’s largest trading partner.  Retaliation by the Canadian government would be inevitable, and the likelihood of an escalating trade war would result in ominous consequences for both nations, with retaliatory measures by Canada inviting a further response from a Trump administration, fuelling a cycle of hostility that would severely damage Canada-US relations.


 
Trump's propensity for rash reactions to perceived provocations cannot be underestimated.  If history has shown us anything, it is that he views conflicts as power struggles that need to be won at all costs.  Thus, if a trade war ensues, the escalation could veer into territory with ominous implications for Canadian sovereignty.

The possible threat of military action


Trumps aggressive attitude towards Canada and other allied nations during his first administration signals how he would behave during his second administration, and is not the sort of thing one expects from the leader of a nation that is a friend.  It is something one sees mainly in politicians with a far right, and some would say fascist, world view.  And given that fears surrounding Trump's fascist tendencies have been highlighted in public statements by former Trump administration officials, as well as by his ex-wife Ivana Trump, all of whom alleged that he was a fascist and admired authoritarian figures such as Adolf Hitler, should raise dozens of red flags in Ottawa and across the country about what will happen when Trump is in full control of the US government.
 


The dismissiveness with which Trump treats relations with nations that are friends and allies, glossing over tactless comments as jokes or misunderstandings, is reminiscent of other world leaders who have used bullying, threats and aggression to assert dominance and control.  The last hundred years is replete with examples of national leaders who, when diplomacy failed, resorted to sabre rattling and even military interventions to achieve their objectives.  As disturbing and unlikely as it may sound, the undercurrent of Trump's rhetoric could easily be a precursor to military action against Canada — especially in the context of controlling resources such as fresh water and critical mineral resources of value to the US and its military.

The role of military command and loyalty

Trump's proposed cabinet and the allegiance he seeks from those he is nominating to senior positions raises further concerns. His inclination to fill key positions with loyalists — individuals more interested in serving Trump's agenda than in upholding democratic tenets or maintaining positive relations with allies — means that checks and balances within the US political system are eroding.  When in office this could also extend to his choice of military leaders, who historically are supposed to serve the national interest and defend the US Constitution.  However, if Trump's regime consists of zealots with a belief in American exceptionalism and superiority, we may find them willing to support aggressive actions against non-existent threats.

Imagining a scenario where US military forces are directed against Canada is not as far-fetched as it appears under a fascist minded Trump administration.  Once feeling threatened economically or politically Trump may resort to using all US resources including the military to assert dominance over Canada either through threats or direct action. 
 

A Call to Canadian Vigilance

The growing body of evidence — both from public statements and actions taken by Trump since he first entered politics — demands that Canadian officials reassess their approach to dealing with him over the next four years.  Trump's penchant for belittling Canada, paired with the very real threat of economic warfare, must be viewed as a potential precursor to more aggressive actions.  Taking into account his apparent affinity for authoritarian and militaristic leaders it is imperative for Canada to enhance its defence strategies and alliances with allies, particularly those in NATO, that prioritize sovereignty and democratic values.

Canada's leaders must prepare for all scenarios while addressing domestic political concerns affected by a potential trade war or even more aggressive US actions.  Engaging with international bodies, strengthening partnerships with other allied nations, and fostering resilience at home will be vital to safeguard Canada and its interests.

Canadian leaders have been complacent about the Canada-US relationship for far too long.  In the coming years diplomatic niceties may not suffice with a US leader like Trump, a man who sees relationships as transactional, subject to capricious whims.  

Trump’s 51st state comment is a bad joke — until such a time it isn’t.  Therefore, it is incumbent upon Canadian leaders to take Trump’s tariff threats seriously in ways they haven't considered before, and to prepare to deal with the US in ways that haven't been contemplated since the 19th century.

The time to act to defend Canadian sovereignty from US aggression is now, and the potential for American aggression arising out of an economic dispute should not be dismissed as hyperbole. In a scenario where Canada-US relations could be upended it is better to prepare for the worst while hoping for the best.
 
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