American democracy is now a facade, and Canadians should be worried

The gravitational pull of American politics—especially as the US drifts toward oligarchic authoritarianism—has begun reshaping Canada’s political landscape in profound ways. 

By Fareed Khan

A version of this article can be found on Substack.

American democracy, as many scholars and observers argue, no longer functions as a genuine democracy. What remains is a symbolic shell — a façade masking a political infrastructure that has been hollowed out by decades of hyper‑partisanship, corporate capture, institutional decay, and authoritarian drift. The United States today resembles a late‑stage empire coasting on historical momentum, much like Rome after the Crisis of the Third Century, where imperial institutions still existed but meaningful governance of the Empire had collapsed under the combined pressures of political instability, extreme inflation, foreign wars and foreign invasions, and the plague.

The American decline did not begin with the election of Donald Trump to the US presidency. His rise was a symptom of a system already damaged and in freefall. But his open admiration for authoritarian rulers, his willingness to subvert democratic norms, and his consolidation of power among billionaire oligarchs and right wing extremist networks (the MAGA movement) accelerated a process that had been underway for years. And for Canadians, the implications are profound. When the largest democracy in the Western alliance collapses into full‑blown authoritarianism, Canada will not be insulated. It will be engulfed — politically, economically, and culturally.

The long decline of American democracy

Political scientists have documented the erosion of US democratic norms for decades, but particularly in the 21st century. A 2023 study by the Brookings Institution describes the United States as experiencing early‑stage democratic decline, marked by weakened judicial constraints, executive overreach, and partisan sabotage of accountability institutions. This is fuelled by the fact that since 2010, state legislatures instituted laws intended to reduce voters’ access to the ballot, politicize election administration, and foreclose electoral competition via extreme gerrymandering of electoral districts. The United States also saw substantial expansions of executive power and serious efforts to erode the independence of the civil service.

Added to this is the issue of political polarization, which is central to this decline. Pew Research Center reports that partisan animosity in the US has reached historic highs, with majorities in both parties viewing the other as immoral, dishonest, unpatriotic and a threat to the nation. This is not merely cultural hostility—it is structural. When political actors no longer value democracy for its own sake, institutions become weapons to hammer opponents.

The Republican Party’s radicalization is well‑documented. Numerous analyses and studies since the 2020 presidential election have warned that the GOP’s refusal to acknowledge Joe Biden’s legitimate election and its abandonment of peaceful power transfer norms pose an “existential threat” to US democracy.

Democrats, meanwhile, have often failed to defend democratic norms with sufficient force. Their technocratic instincts—described in political‑science literature as “managerial liberalism”—have led them to prioritize bureaucratic stability over structural reform. They have not been the “adults in the room” they claim to be. They have been caretakers of a decaying system.

The American Empire’s unraveling: The Iraq War and beyond

The decline of American democracy is inseparable from the decline of American global hegemony.

The 2003 invasion of Iraq exposed the limits of US military power and shattered international trust. The 2008 financial crisis further undermined global confidence in the American economic model, revealing deep structural vulnerabilities and accelerating domestic polarization. Political economists have shown that when institutions fail to deliver shared prosperity, anti‑pluralist movements gain legitimacy. A 2026 review in the Journal of Economic Literature argues that institutional failure and identity‑driven polarization interact to erode democratic guardrails.

After 2010, the collapse accelerated with extreme partisan gerrymandering entrenching minority rule; Citizens United unleashing unlimited corporate spending in political campaigns; and Congressional gridlock becoming permanent.

Freedom House marks 2016 as the beginning of a measurable decline in US political rights and civil liberties.

The fascist drift: Symbols without substance

Today, the United States still displays the outward symbols of democracy — elections, courts, legislatures, and the ceremonial rituals of democratic governance — yet the substance beneath these institutions has been steadily hollowed out. The country increasingly resembles a political system where democratic forms persist but democratic norms have eroded. This erosion is visible in the conduct of its leadership, its security apparatus, its militaristic posture, and the overwhelming influence of corporate oligarchs—patterns that echo the situation in Nazi Germany in the 1930s.

The most visible and troubling example is the country’s political leadership—Donald Trump.  He has repeatedly expressed admiration for authoritarian rulers, praising figures such as Vladimir Putin, Xi Jinping, and Kim Jong Un, and others. This is not a trivial matter of rhetorical excess but a signal that Trump sees democratic constraints as weaknesses rather than safeguards. At the same time, American militarism has become a defining feature of national identity. Since 2001, the United States has engaged in continuous warfare across multiple regions, attacking eight countries in Asia and Africa, projecting force abroad while failing to maintain democratic resilience at home.

Domestically, the internal security apparatus has also drifted toward authoritarian practices. Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents (ICE) has been documented committing hundreds of abuses and human rights violations, including: engaging in abusive detention practices, wrongfully detaining US citizens, and deaths of civilians and detainees, including dozens who have died in ICE detention facilities. These are not isolated incidents but symptoms of a system where accountability has weakened and state power is increasingly exercised without restraint.

Overlaying all of this is the immense influence of corporate and billionaire oligarchs. Unlimited campaign spending — enabled by decisions such as Citizens United — has allowed billionaires and corporations to shape political outcomes, policy agendas, and legislative priorities in ways that serve elite interests rather than democratic ones. The result is a political system where wealth, not citizenship, determines access to power. These developments are hallmarks of a state drifting toward authoritarianism, even if the democratic façade remains intact.

Canada’s drift toward authoritarianism and its US roots

Canada is not immune to these trends. In fact, Canada’s democratic erosion is increasingly linked to US oligarchic and political influence. The gravitational pull of American politics—especially as the US drifts toward oligarchic authoritarianism—has begun reshaping Canada’s political landscape in profound ways.

The Canadian Conservative Party has adopted strategies and narratives that closely mirror those of the US Republican Party. Culture‑war rhetoric, attacks on independent media, hostility toward climate science, and alignment with US billionaire‑funded think tanks have become increasingly common. Research shows that Canadian conservative messaging now mirrors US Republican narratives, amplified by cross‑border political networks and shared donors. This is not simply ideological convergence, it is a structural importation of American political tactics into Canada’s political culture.

Yet the Liberals are not innocent in this drift. Under Mark Carney—a former global finance executive deeply embedded in elite economic networks—the party has moved toward a technocratic centrism aligned with corporate and billionaire interests. Canadian political scientists have documented the Liberals’ close ties to Bay Street finance, the influence of multinational corporations on policy formation, and a weakening commitment to climate action and human rights. They also note an increasing reliance on private‑sector advisory groups, which further entrenches elite influence over public policy. A campaign launched by Democracy Watch warns that both major parties are increasingly shaped by elite economic actors whose interests diverge from those of the general population.

This bipartisan drift toward elite capture is reinforced by US oligarchic networks that exert direct influence on Canadian politics. American tech billionaires have shaped Canadian digital policy debates; cross‑border fossil‑fuel lobbying has influenced Canadian climate legislation; American political consultants have advised Canadian political campaigns; and US dark‑money networks have funded Canadian advocacy groups. A 2023 investigation by The Narwhal documented US oil‑industry funding of Canadian political organizations opposing climate regulation. These developments are not accidental. They are structural consequences of Canada’s proximity to a superpower undergoing democratic collapse.

Why Canadians should be alarmed

Canada’s fate is tied to the United States in ways that make American democratic decline a direct threat to Canadian stability. Economically, Canada is deeply integrated with the US, and any authoritarian instability south of the border would produce immediate and severe economic shockwaves in Canada, as we have seen with Trump’s tariff war. Politically, US authoritarian narratives spread easily across the border, influencing Canadian discourse and reshaping partisan identities. Corporate capture is also a shared phenomenon, where US oligarchs influence Canadian policy through cross‑border investments and multinational corporate structures.

Security risks are equally significant. A destabilized United States—politically, socially, or institutionally—poses direct threats to Canadian sovereignty, border stability, and national security. And beyond bilateral concerns, the collapse of the United States would destabilize the entire Western democratic alliance. If the US falls, the democratic world loses its keystone.

Canada is drifting toward authoritarianism not only because of domestic political choices, but because it is tethered to a superpower undergoing democratic collapse. The erosion of democracy in the United States is not a distant problem. It is a direct and immediate threat to Canadian political stability, democratic norms, and national sovereignty.

American democracy is no longer a functioning system. It is a veneer—a symbolic shell covering a political infrastructure that has been rotting for decades. Hyper‑partisanship, corporate capture, institutional decay, and authoritarian drift have transformed the United States into a nation where democratic norms are optional.

Canada is drifting in the same direction albeit at a slower pace—not only because of domestic political failures, but because US oligarchic and political networks exert enormous influence over Canadian politics.

If the largest democratic domino falls, Canada will not remain standing. The veneer is cracking, and Canadians must pay attention and prepare before it shatters.

© 2026 The View From Here. © 2026 Fareed Khan. All Rights Reserved.

Trump’s treasonous acts are rotting the soul of the US and destroying American democracy

Donald Trump’s presidency is the opening act of America's tragic decline. By rotting the nation’s collective soul he irreversibly embeds fascism into the heart of US political culture.

By Fareed Khan 
A version of this article can be found on Substack.

A nation can survive its fools as leaders and even their ambitions. But it cannot survive treason from within, and that is what Donald Trump is committing—treason against the United States since he was re-elected in 2024. In most instances the traitor doesn’t appear as a traitor but rather as someone who speaks in language and ideas familiar to their victims, appealing to the basest instincts that lie deep within the hearts of all human beings. But when in power, they rot the soul of a nation with their policies and actions, working secretly and openly to undermine its foundational pillars. They infect the body politic so deeply that it can no longer resist their machinations. One could even say that in some ways they are to be more feared than hardened criminals.

As the world enters the second year of Donald Trump’s second presidency, the US (and the world) stands at a precipice. Trump’s return to the White House, admittedly a remarkable political resurrection, has also been a harbinger of an irreversible decline. His leadership and the people in his administration are systematically eroding the moral and institutional foundations of the US, transforming it from a supposed beacon of democracy into a hollow shell of authoritarianism. This is not hyperbole but a sober assessment drawn from historical parallels and contemporary analyses. Trump’s presidency is rotting the soul of America, initiating a long decline from superpower status that future administrations will be unlikely to reverse.

Consider the soul of a nation as its collective ethos—the shared values of liberty, justice, and human dignity that American leaders have used to define the nation since its founding. Trump has assaulted this ethos in a relentless fashion since his first administration. His rhetoric, laced with divisive and dehumanizing language, has normalized hatred and eroded empathy in American society. As one critical essay noted, Trump embodies a reflection of America’s darker impulses, much like the portrait in Oscar Wilde’s The Picture of Dorian Gray, revealing the ugliness beneath the surface. His policies and pronouncements have fostered a culture where truth is malleable, facts are “alternative,” and dissent is branded as terrorism or disloyalty. This corrosion is evident in the surge of political violence and polarization that has intensified since his first election in 2016. Scholars have argued that Trump’s presidency destroyed virtues essential to national ambition like intellectualism and integrity, leading to a shredding of the nation’s moral fabric.

This rotting of America’s soul, which has been in progress for years, is inextricably linked to the nation’s slow decline as a global superpower. For decades, the US has maintained its hegemony through military might, economic dominance, and soft power—while trumpeting the allure of its democratic ideals. Under Trump, these pillars are deteriorating. His isolationist “America First” agenda has alienated allies, weakened international institutions, and emboldened adversaries like Russia and China. Analyses by senior officials from the George W. Bush and Barack Obama administrations highlight how Trump’s decisions have systematically shrunk the US from a global leader to a regional power, with irreversible damage to its credibility. The abandonment of multilateral agreements, such as his threats to withdraw from NATO and pull back from multiple international institutions and bodies, has signalled to the world that America is unreliable as a partner and an ally. As one report starkly puts it, Trump’s administration is steadily undermining US power, creating a more chaotic international order where American influence diminishes with every passing day. And this decline is structural not temporary. The erosion of trust in the US by its allies and trading partners means that even if the Democrats regained power they would struggle to rebuild alliances and friendships, marking the beginning of a long, inexorable slide from superpower status.

Central to this transformation is Trump’s pushing the US toward fascism, epitomized by his weaponization of Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) as a modern day gestapo, his scapegoating of immigrants and the LGBTQ2 and his systematic efforts to delegitimize democratic institutions. Under Trump’s directives, ICE has expanded into a paramilitary force with a budget surpassing all other policing agencies combined, instigating deadly violence on the streets of American cities, conducting raids, mass deportations, and surveillance that echo the tactics of authoritarian regimes. Reports from human rights observers describe ICE operations as intensifying in a manner reminiscent of Nazi Germany’s Gestapo, with agents employing fear and brutality to enforce draconian policies.

Trump’s rhetoric about immigrants as “vermin” and “poisoning the blood” of America draws directly from Hitler’s playbook, dehumanizing entire populations to justify state violence. This is not mere enforcement of immigration law, it is the building of an authoritarian state apparatus. Critics of Trump’s regime argue that he has successfully created a fascist state through his policies and actions—a nation that fought fascism in World War Two at great cost has become a fascist authoritarian state, where loyalty to Trump’s personality cult supersedes the rule of law, and dissent is crushed under the guise of security.

However, the most chilling aspect of Trump’s embrace of fascism is that it is not confined to Trump himself. It is embedded in the MAGA movement that is the foundation of his power, and the people around him, ensuring it will not disappear even if Trump leaves the stage through impeachment, defeat, or death. Figures like Vice President J.D. Vance—a one-time critic of Trump who compared him to Hitler—embody this enduring threat. He has become a fervent disciple, echoing the fascist undertones of MAGA ideology with appeals to raw power and exclusionary, racist nationalism.

Analyses of Trumpism describe it as a form of authoritarianism that radicalizes in office, with leaders like Vance and cabinet members worshipping at the altar of Trump’s ideology and his personality cult. The cabinet, stocked with loyalists who prioritize personal allegiance over constitutional duty, includes ideologues who push for policies that entrench fascist elements—such as mass surveillance, voter suppression, and the erosion of judicial independence. Even if Trump vanished, these true believers would continue to carry his torch, even as fascism in America becomes a cancer and not the personal quirk of one man. Scholars warn that utilizing terms like “fascism” to describe what is happening in the US is politically essential to mobilize against this movement, which has realigned political and economic grievances into nationalist exclusion.

Beyond America’s borders, Trump’s fixation on the Arctic poses existential dangers to Canada, Greenland, Iceland, and Norway. As Arctic nations, these countries not only control vital resources but also strategic sea lanes that will become increasingly contested due to climate change and thawing Arctic ice. Trump’s repeated threats to seize Greenland—which he framed as essential for US security—reveal a colonial and imperialist mindset that treats sovereign territories as real estate that can be bought or threatened into the arms of the US. His administration views the Arctic as a battleground against Russia and China, but his aggressive rhetoric has escalated tensions, putting allies at risk. For Canada, this means heightened vulnerability in the Arctic, where Trump’s complaints about inadequate defences could lead to coercive demands or unilateral US actions on or over Canadian territory in the far north.

Greenland, which is a semi-autonomous Danish territory, faces direct threats of annexation which could destabilize NATO and invite broader conflicts, despite Trump’s recent walk back. Key Arctic allies Iceland and Norway, are similarly endangered by Trump’s zero-sum approach, which prioritizes American dominance over cooperative security. Experts argue that Trump’s Greenland gambit exposes the costs of overt aggression, risking monumental fallout across the NATO alliance. This obsession exposes Trump’s ignorance, political folly and antipathy towards international relations and diplomacy that endangers the delicate balance that has maintained stability in the Arctic for more than a century.

Ultimately, Donald Trump’s presidency is not just another chapter in American history but the opening act of its tragic decline. By rotting the nation’s collective soul with the ugliness of his political vision, fostering fascism through institutions like ICE, initiating racist immigration policies, and vilifying immigrants, minorities and anyone who opposes him, Trump is embedding an irreversible authoritarian movement into the heart of US political culture, and setting the nation on a path from which recovery seems impossible in the short term. The dangers also extend northward, threatening Canada and its Arctic neighbours with a belligerent hegemonic power fixated on territorial expansion.

History teaches us that empires fall not from external foes but from internal rot, and the US is no exception—its foundations crumbling under the weight of division, deceit, and demagoguery sown by a leader who prioritizes and covets absolute power over principle. From the Roman Empire’s descent into corruption and tyranny to the British Empire’s erosion through moral decay and overreach, the pattern is clear—nations implode when their core values are poisoned from within, and when they allow personalities into positions of leadership who crave political and economic supremacy at home and abroad.

The Trump era has accelerated America’s decay, turning democratic institutions into tools of oppression, eroding trust in government, and normalizing hatred that fractures communities and silences dissent. It is time for the world—and Americans themselves—to recognize Trump’s treason from within as the insidious betrayal it truly is—a deliberate assault on liberty, equality, and justice that echoes the darkest chapters of history. Americans must act with unyielding resolve, through global solidarity, vigilant advocacy, and unwavering resistance, before the pillars of American democracy collapse entirely, leaving behind a hollow shell of what was once a nation that saw itself a beacon of democracy and freedom, and dragging its neighbours and allies into the abyss of instability and conflict.

© 2026 The View From Here. © 2026 Fareed Khan. All Rights Reserved.

Pierre Poilievre is back as an MP, but a career politician is not what Canadians need in a potential prime minister

By compelling one of his own MPs to resign to run in his place, Poilievre undermines the will of his former constituents, raising questions about his commitment to accountability and democracy. 

  
By Fareed Khan 
  

After his easy victory in an Alberta by-election yesterday, Conservative Party leader Pierre Poilievre will return to the House of Commons this fall, despite the voters in his Ottawa-area riding rejecting him in the April 2025 federal election—a seat he held for 20 years. His calculated move to run in a safe Conservative riding to re-enter the House of Commons raises concerns about democratic accountability. By strategically exploiting election laws to run in a less competitive riding, he prioritized personal ambition over voters' desires, casting doubt on his commitment to fair representation, democracy, and the views of the overwhelming majority Canadians who voted against his party on April 28th.

Less than four months ago the voters of the Ottawa area riding of Carleton decisively rejected Poilievre, signalling dissatisfaction with him as an MP, while nationally a plurality of Canadians favoured Mark Carney’s Liberals. Yet, by orchestrating an Alberta MP’s resignation to secure a seat in a Conservative stronghold, Poilievre circumvented these democratic verdicts—a manoeuvre that reeks of political opportunism.

His lifelong career as a politician, untested by experiences outside the political sphere, is another red flag, further underscoring a profound disconnect from the realities faced by most Canadians. This, along with his divisive political style, his proclivity for name calling (in the style of Donald Trump), and his habit of boiling complex policy issues down to annoying sound bites (e.g. “Axe the tax”, “Stop the crime”, “Boots not suits”), render him ill-suited to lead the nation as a potential future prime minister.

Unlike Poilievre, current Prime Minister, Mark Carney, and former Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, brought diverse career backgrounds outside of politics to their political career, grounding them in real-world challenges. 

Before entering politics, Carney built a distinguished career at global investment banking firm Goldman Sachs and served as the governor of the Bank of Canada and the Bank of England.  His experience navigating global financial markets and economic crises equipped him with a deep understanding of economic pressures that affect ordinary Canadians.  Similarly, Trudeau’s career before politics included roles as a teacher, community activist and advocate, exposing him to the struggles of diverse communities. 

In contrast, Poilievre’s career trajectory is strikingly narrow—straight from university to a staff position with Canadian Alliance party leader Stockwell Day, followed by his election as an MP at age 25.  His entire professional life has been funded by taxpayers, leaving him without the real world grounding that comes from working outside the political sphere.

Poilievre’s lack of experience outside politics is exacerbated by his elite financial status.  When he was elected as an MP for the first time in 2005 he was suddenly earning a substantial six-figure salary—$141,200 per year—which put him in the top three percent of income earners in the country.  As Opposition Leader, he earns $299,900 annually, placing him in the top 1% of Canadian income earners.  This salary far surpasses the average Canadian household income of approximately $74,200, insulating him from the financial pressures that define the lives of most Canadians.  He resides in Stornoway, the official residence of the Opposition Leader, where he incurs no personal costs for rent, utilities, or maintenance.  His household is supported by a publicly funded staff, including a chef, housekeeper, and groundskeeper, and he has access to a $166,000 annual entertainment budget—resources unimaginable to the average Canadian grappling with rising housing and grocery costs.  Poilievre’s additional perks, such as a government-provided SUV, chauffeur, and 24-hour security detail, further entrench him in a world of privilege that bears little resemblance to the realities of those Canadians who don’t share his elite lifestyle.

This privilege stands in stark contrast to the experiences of most Canadians, who face mounting economic challenges.  Housing affordability has become a crisis, with average home prices in major cities like Toronto and Vancouver exceeding $1 million, while median household incomes lag far behind.  Renters, too, struggle with skyrocketing costs, with average monthly rents for a one-bedroom apartment in urban centres surpassing $2,000.  In the face of this affordability crisis Poilievre lives for free in a 19 room mansion in one of the most exclusive neighbourhoods in Ottawa

Grocery prices have have also risen sharply, with food inflation outpacing wage growth for many families.  For low-income Canadians, these pressures are even more acute, with many relying on food banks to make ends meet.  Poilievre, cocooned in a taxpayer-funded elite bubble, has never faced these sorts of struggles.  His lack of exposure to the private sector or community-based work means he has not experienced the issue of job insecurity, the grind of a low-wage job, or the challenge of balancing a budget on a modest income.

Poilievre’s rhetoric has often invoked the struggles of “ordinary Canadians,” railing against “elites” and “gatekeepers” in impassioned speeches.  Yet, his lifestyle and career trajectory belie this populist narrative.  Receiving a taxpayer funded salary, residing in a publicly funded mansion and enjoying perks unavailable to to the vast majority, he is the epitome of the very elites he critiques.  The policy proposals that he presented to Canadians during the election, rooted in his time under Stephen Harper’s government, often prioritized fiscal austerity and support for corporate interests—approaches that historically favoured the wealthy and privileged over average Canadians he claims to champion.

Academic research underscores that politicians with diverse professional backgrounds bring a broader perspective to governance, enabling them to better address societal challenges.  Poilievre’s singular focus on politics, untested by the uncertainties outside the political arena, limits his ability to relate to those Canadians who navigate financial and social struggles on a daily basis.  His claims to understand the struggles of ordinary Canadians are political platitudes rooted in his desire to attain power. 

The Alberta by-election further highlights Poilievre’s disconnect from democratic principles.  His defeat in Ottawa was a democratic judgment on his leadership and representation.  By compelling one of his own recently elected Conservative MPs to resign and run in his place, he undermines the will of his former constituents, raising ethical questions about his commitment to accountability and democracy.  This maneuver, while legal, suggests a prioritization of personal ambition over democratic integrity, a trait ill-suited for a potential prime minister. 

In contrast, Carney’s entry into politics was marked by a competitive leadership race within the Liberal Party, while Trudeau built his leadership through grassroots engagement.  Poilievre’s decision to ignore the will of the voters in his Ottawa riding and seek a safer seat in Alberta can be seen as a form of political cheating, undermining the principle that elected officials should comply with the will of their constituents. 

The lavish benefits afforded to Poilievre as Opposition Leader further amplify his disconnect.  Unlike other parliamentary democracies, such as the United Kingdom or Australia, Canada provides its Opposition Leader with a publicly funded residence and extensive perks.  In the UK, the Leader of the Opposition receives a modest office budget and no official residence, while in Australia, similar roles are supported with far less extravagance.  

These benefits, while justified for a sitting prime minister due to security and representational demands, seem excessive for an opposition leader, particularly when there is no similar level of benefits provided to opposition party leaders in peer nations.  Canadians struggling to afford basic necessities might question why their tax dollars fund such luxuries for someone who claims to understand their plight.  This arrangement, unique among comparable democracies, underscores the systemic privilege that insulates Poilievre from the realities of ordinary Canadians. 

Poilievre’s ascent to political prominence raises broader concerns about the suitability of career politicians for leadership.  Unlike Carney, whose financial expertise informs his approach to economic policy, or Trudeau, whose community engagement shaped his social priorities, Poilievre lacks the experiential foundation to empathize with a vast majority of Canadians.  His policies, often cloaked in populist rhetoric, tend to align with the interests of the privileged.  For example, Conservative platforms under Harper, which Poilievre endorsed, prioritized corporate tax cuts and deregulation, measures that disproportionately benefited the wealthy and corporate elites, while doing little to alleviate the burdens of average citizens and those on the lower end of the income spectrum.  Recent analyses suggest that similar policies espoused by Poilievre during the federal election would likely continue this trend, offering little relief to struggling Canadians.

Canada deserves a potential prime minister who understands the weight of a grocery bill, the anxiety of a missed rent payment, or the struggle to secure stable employment.  Poilievre’s career, defined by taxpayer-funded roles and systemic privilege, offers no such understanding.  His rhetoric may appeal to those frustrated with the government, but his lack of real-world experience and elite lifestyle render him incapable of addressing the needs of most Canadians, even many of those who voted Conservative. 

Canadians must recognize the inherent risks of entrusting Pierre Poilievre with the keys to the prime minister’s office in future elections.  His career, confined to the insular world of politics without substantial real-world experience, raises serious doubts about his suitability for the job of prime minister. Career politicians, lacking exposure to the everyday struggles of ordinary citizens, often fail to grasp the practical perspectives needed to tackle complex policy challenges effectively.

Poilievre’s record, defined by political manoeuvring and manipulation rather than meaningful societal contributions, highlights his disconnect from the realities Canadians face. His decades within the political elite have shaped a lifestyle far removed from the average citizen’s, undermining his ability to bridge the growing divide between the elite and the public. 

 

The nation’s future demands leaders with diverse, grounded experiences to craft policies that address the needs of all Canadians. Poilievre’s lack of such experience renders him unfit to navigate these critical issues, and voters should not place their confidence in him or his party when the next general election takes place in a few years.

© 2025 The View From Here. © 2025 Fareed Khan. All Rights Reserved.

The voters have spoken. It’s time for Pierre Poilievre to exit Canada's political stage.

Leadership demands accountability, and Poilievre has failed that test by refusing to accept the voter’s will.  His party’s loss and his personal defeat were not accidents — they were verdicts by the voters of Carleton, who knew him best after 21 years as their MP and sent him packing.   

 

By Fareed Khan

 
The Canadian electorate has spoken, and their message to Conservative Party leader Pierre Poilievre could not be clearer.  It’s time to go.  Your career of becoming an extremely privileged elite and a multi-millionaire off the public dime is over.

In the recent federal election, the Conservatives suffered a decisive defeat, and Poilievre lost his own Carleton riding seat he had held for over two decades by a substantial margin. This was no mere stumble.  It was a resounding rejection by the voters who knew him best.   Yet, like a performer who ignores the curtain call, Poilievre refuses to leave the political stage.  He should take the hint from the more than 58% of Canadian voters who voted for other parties, rather than try to rise like a very flawed phoenix from a flaming dung heap. It’s time for him to step aside and let Canada move forward without his relentless, useless noise.

Watching Poilievre’s recent press conference, following the swearing in of Mark Carney’s new cabinet, was like witnessing a political ghost haunting a stage on which he no longer belongs.  Despite his electoral ousting, he strode to the podium with the audacity of someone who still believes he’s calling the shots.  His party is in disarray, his leadership is in question, and yet he is plotting a comeback via an Alberta by-election in a seat where a cardboard box with a Conservative Party sticker could be elected.  That reeks of desperation.  This is not a display of resilience.  It’s denial.  He refuses to accept that Canadians didn’t just vote against his party — they voted against him.  The path forward doesn’t involve a dramatic resurrection.  It requires Poilievre to accept reality and retire from the spotlight.

The absurdity of his current position is almost comical.  With Poilievre no longer an MP, the Conservatives have tapped Andrew Scheer as interim Conservative leader while Parliament is in session.  Yes that Andrew Scheer — the former Conservative leader who lost the 2019 election to Justin Trudeau.  The setup feels like a poorly scripted political farce, with Scheer as the understudy nobody asked for and Poilievre lurking in the wings, refusing to relinquish the starring role.  If Scheer is the temporary fix, it’s akin to swapping out a broken appliance with one that’s barely functional.  Canadians deserve better than this chaotic charade.

Poilievre’s refusal to fade quietly is matched only by his predictable rhetoric.  At his press conference, he leaned into his trademark style — soft-spoken indignation paired with a relentless narrative that everything is irreparably broken — Canada, the government, perhaps the laws of physics.

His attacks on Prime Minister Mark Carney’s newly formed cabinet were less a critique than a tantrum, the kind thrown by someone who wasn’t invited to the table and decides to shout from the sidelines.  Carney’s cabinet, while not flawless, reflects the challenge of balancing regional interests, gender equity, and expertise — a grown-up approach to governance.  Poilievre, by contrast, offers only grievances, mistaking volume for vision.

What’s particularly galling is Poilievre’s failure to acknowledge the courtesy extended to him by Carney.  The Prime Minister has pledged to call the Alberta by-election as soon as legally possible, a gesture that goes beyond obligation.  By law, Carney could delay the process for months, but he’s chosen the high road.  Poilievre’s response?  Not a word of gratitude, not a moment of humility — just more complaints.  Incidentally, this by-election comes with a price tag of between $1.6 to $2 million, footed by Canadian taxpayers to fuel Poilievre’s ego-driven comeback.  The least he could do is show some respect for the public’s tax dollars.  It’s a waste of taxpayer dollars plain and simple but you will never hear Poilievre admit that.

And yet, Poilievre carries on as if nothing has changed.  He remains ensconced in Stornoway, the official residence of the (elected) opposition leader, acting as though his mandate is intact.  His refusal to step back, even temporarily, is an affront to the democratic will.  Canada needs leaders who build, not performers who cling to faded relevance.  Poilievre’s insistence on dominating the conversation with his tired talking points — everything is broken, everyone is wrong — only deepens the exhaustion Canadians feel toward him.

Imagine if Poilievre chose to take a different path.  Picture him stepping away, even for a season, to reflect, recharge, or pursue something, anything, outside the political echo chamber he has lived in for his entire career.  He could find a lucrative job in the private sector, write a book, or, frankly, take up woodworking.  Instead, he has doubling down, banking on an Alberta by-election to catapult him back into Parliament.  If he succeeds, we can already envision the inevitable photo ops — Poilievre alongside his number one fan, Alberta Premier Danielle Smith, striding through canola fields in a staged attempt at relatability.  It’s not leadership, it’s a performance, and Canadians are tired of the show.

Leadership demands accountability, and Poilievre has failed that test by refusing to accept the voter’s will.  His party’s loss and his personal defeat were not accidents — they were verdicts by the voters of Carleton, who knew him best after 21 years as their MP and sent him packing.  The broader electorate rejected his divisive tactics and defeatist rhetoric about the state of the nation.  Clinging to the microphone not only undermines the democratic process he claims to champion, but also shows him refusing to accept the democratic verdict an overwhelming majority of Canadians delivered to him and his party.

Mark Carney, ever the pragmatist, is focused on governing — making practical decisions to move Canada forward.  Poilievre, by contrast, remains unelected, uninvited, and unrelentingly loud.  His presence is a distraction and serves no positive purpose.  The most patriotic and sensible act he could perform right now is to step back, silence his megaphone, and let Canada heal from the divisiveness he’s fuelled.

It’s time for Pierre Poilievre to read the room.  The stage is no longer his.  For the sake of the country, he must exit — quietly, decisively, and for good.
 

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