By Fareed Khan
A version of this article can be found on Substack.
While the
genocide in Gaza continues unabated Israeli leaders have now expanded their war
crimes regime to Lebanon, where the 2026 invasion is not
an aberration, not a sudden eruption of violence, and certainly not a defensive
reflex. It is the latest chapter in a decades‑long pattern of criminal
impunity—an extension of the same tactics, doctrines, and policies that have devastated
Gaza. What is unfolding today in southern Lebanon is not merely a
“spillover” from Gaza or a confrontation with Hezbollah. It is the exportation
of the Gaza model of military aggression—the systematic destruction, mass
displacement, territorial engineering, and steady normalization of Israel’s annexationist
ambitions that have animated its leaders’ strategic thinking for decades.
Since the
beginning of the Israeli invasion Lebanese authorities have reported more than 4,300 killed and over 12,000 wounded, with over one million displaced—roughly one‑fifth of the country
forced from their homes. Israel has conducted thousands of airstrikes,
bulldozed entire villages, bombed the suburbs of Beirut, and expanded
operations far beyond its self‑declared “Yellow Line,” pushing up to ten
kilometers into Lebanese territory. These are not temporary incursions, and this
has been confirmed by the Israeli newspaper Haaretz in conversations with Israeli soldiers. They
are in effect the creation of “facts on the ground,” the same methodical
approach Israel has used for decades in the West Bank to transform an illegal
occupation into a permanent presence.
The Gaza
model exported
Israel’s
military leaders have openly described their Lebanon campaign as a replication
of tactics used in the Gaza genocide. Defence Minister Israel Katz referenced
the “Rafah and Beit Hanoun model,” promising to demolish homes, flatten
neighborhoods, and prevent civilian returns until Israel’s objectives are met.
Soldiers have told reporters they are “operating
exactly as we do in Gaza,” with daily destruction quotas and target lists.
Satellite imagery confirms the scale of
devastation. Villages such as Bint Jbeil, Ayta al‑Shaab, and Khiam have been
razed through controlled demolitions and bulldozing of buildings, mirroring Gaza’s obliterated districts. Additionally, Israel
has struck civilian infrastructure—bridges over the Litani River, water
facilities near the Qaraoun Dam, hospitals, schools, mosques, and farmland—all
considered war
crimes under international law. Furthermore, reported use of white
phosphorus against civilian targets—already documented extensively in Gaza—have
emerged again in Lebanon. Another
instance of Israel committing a war crime.
These
actions are neither counterterrorism nor acts of self-defence. They are
collective punishment, ethnic cleansing, and territorial reconfiguration
intended to support long-term occupation. It is the Gaza doctrine applied
against a sovereign state.
A
historical pattern of territorial ambition
While Israel’s
defenders insist that these operations are purely defensive, aimed at neutralizing
Hezbollah, the scale, the systematic razing of villages, the infrastructure
destruction, and the establishment of a de facto occupied buffer zone suggest
something far more ambitious, demographic engineering with the intent of
effectively annexing territory.
This ambition
is not new. Israel invaded Lebanon in 1978,
again in 1982, and
occupied
southern Lebanon until 2000. It launched a massive war in 2006, destroying
swaths of the country. Each time, Israeli leaders spoke of “security zones,”
“buffer areas,” and “temporary measures.” Each time, those measures hardened
into long‑term territorial claims.
These
actions align with a broader ideological project often referred to as “Greater
Israel”— a maximalist vision proposed by Zionism’s founder Theodor Herzl, rooted
in biblical nationalism and embraced by elements of Israel’s political and
religious right. This project imagines Israeli
control stretching from the Nile to the Euphrates, and from Turkey to
northern Saudi Arabia. While not official state policy, its influence is
unmistakable in settlement expansion, annexation rhetoric, and repeated
military incursions into neighboring states.
Lebanon, characterized
by political fragmentation, deep economic
crisis, a weak military and the
overwhelming impact of incessant and highly destructive attacks by Israel, is uniquely vulnerable to such ambitions.
Israel’s current operations—creating cleared zones, establishing military outposts,
and preventing civilians from returning to their homes and properties—mirror
the early stages of territorial absorption seen in the West Bank. The logic is
clear. Israel weakens the state, depopulates strategic areas, and normalizes
Israeli presence, all in violation of international law.
Crimes
under international law
The
Fourth Geneva Convention prohibits collective punishment, the destruction of
civilian property and infrastructure, and the forcible transfer of
populations—precisely the kinds of actions Israel has carried out in Lebanon.
The Rome Statute defines war crimes as intentional attacks on civilians and
civilian objects, and crimes against humanity as widespread or systematic
assaults on civilian populations. Israel’s conduct in Lebanon falls squarely
within these prohibitions.
The mass
displacement of over one million people, the razing of villages, the
destruction of essential infrastructure, and the establishment of a de facto
occupation zone constitute grave
breaches of international law. Additionally, UN experts and human rights
organizations have warned of ethnic cleansing and potential crimes against
humanity. These warnings echo those
issued during Israel’s Gaza campaign, where the International Court of Justice
found a “plausible risk of genocide” and ordered provisional measures to
prevent further atrocities. Enabled by its Western allies, the US in
particular, Israel ignored them.
US backing
fuels Israeli impunity
Israel’s
ability to commit these crimes repeatedly—and expand them into new
theaters—rests on one foundation: unconditional US support.
The
United States provides billions in military aid annually, vetoes UN resolutions
calling for ceasefires or accountability, and shields Israel from sanctions or
international prosecution. This support persists regardless of the severity of
Israeli crimes. It persisted through the flattening of Gaza, the mass murder of
tens of thousands of Palestinians, and the destruction of hospitals, schools,
and refugee camps, and it now continues with Israeli crimes in Lebanon.
The
contrast with Western responses to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine is staggering.
Russia’s aggression triggered sweeping sanctions, diplomatic isolation, ICC
arrest warrants, and massive military support for Ukraine. Israel’s aggression in
Gaza triggered statements of “concern” and “alarm” followed by expedited
weapons shipments. This double standard is not merely hypocrisy—it is blatant complicity.
Under international law, states that knowingly provide material support
enabling war crimes share responsibility for those crimes.
Israel as
the region’s most destabilizing force
Israel’s
defenders claim that as the only “democracy” in the Middle-East it is a
stabilizing force in a volatile region. However, decades of evidence suggests
the opposite.
Israel
has launched major wars or invasions against Lebanon (1978, 1982, 1996, 2006,
2026), Gaza (2008-09, 2012, 2014, 2021,
2023–26), and
repeatedly escalated tensions with Syria
and Iran. It
maintains an apartheid system in the West Bank, enforces a siege on Gaza, and
conducts regular strikes across the region.
No other Middle Eastern state has initiated as many cross‑border
conflicts, displaced as many civilians, or destroyed as much infrastructure in
neighboring countries. No other state has repeatedly violated international law
with such impunity, and yet the world has done nothing to stop them.
Israel’s
actions have destabilized Lebanon, Syria, Palestine, and Iraq. They have inflamed
regional tensions, fuelled extremism, and undermined diplomatic efforts. And
because Israel can influence US military policy—through lobbying, intelligence
partnerships, and political pressure—it can and has dragged the world’s most
powerful military into regional escalations.
A state
that repeatedly violates international law, destabilizes its neighbors, and
wields disproportionate influence over US foreign policy is not merely a
regional threat. It is a potential threat to world peace.
The biker
gang analogy
If a
biker gang rolled into a town, torched buildings, murdered residents, and
declared parts of the territory off‑limits, the full weight of law enforcement
would descend. No appeals to “self‑defence” against adversaries would excuse
systematic destruction.
Yet when
Israel does the same—flattening villages, displacing millions, occupying
foreign soil—the international response has been muted, and there has been no
effort to hold its leaders accountable. This selective enforcement of law
reveals the moral bankruptcy of the so‑called international “rules‑based order”
which Western nations so often invoke against their adversaries
Israel’s
war in Lebanon is not an isolated conflict. It is part of a decades‑long
pattern of aggression, territorial ambition, and criminal impunity. Without
accountability—through sanctions, arms embargoes, ICC prosecutions, and
diplomatic pressure—the cycle is bound to continue.
The world
cannot afford another decade of Israeli exceptionalism. The credibility of
international law, the stability of the Middle East, and the prospects for
global peace depend on ending it.
© 2026 The View From Here. © 2026 Fareed Khan. All Rights Reserved.
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